Constitutional Hill

December, 2009:

What went right in 2009

(1) South Africa had another free and fair election (it’s fourth!) without any serious violence and the fourth democratic President was inaugurated soon afterwards.

(2) The government decisively changed direction on HIV/AIDS and President Jacob Zuma appointed a health minister who clearly understands that the problem of HIV needs to be dealt with in a comprehensive manner.

(3) Nkosazana Zuma has begun to change things around at the Department of Home Affairs. A friend of mine received her passport only 4 weeks after submitting her application!

(4) The South African banking system weathered the international financial crisis very well and the SA government did not need to pump billions of dollars into the system as was required by the USA, the UK and some European countries.

(5) A free press and independent electronic media continued to thrive and to present a variety of news, exposes and opinion, sometimes harshly critical of the foibles of the governing party and sometimes singing its praises.

(6) Some members of the tripartite alliance began exposing Julius Malema as the self-serving, headline-grabbing, tenderpreneur that he is.

(7) The selection of a new Chief Justice and four new judges to the Constitutional Court proceeded without unnecessary controversy and several good candidates were appointed to the positions while a certain Judge President were clearly not a serious contender for appointment.

(8) A vibrant civil society continued to thrive and to challenge seemingly unlawful decisions made by the President and y constitutional institutions such as the Judicial Services Commission in various courts across South Africa.

(9) South Africa successfully hosted the Confederations Cup and the various soccer stadiums for 2010 Fifa World Cup were completed on time.

(10) Many South Africans quietly continued to build bridges and build the nation by giving of their time and money to address the poverty and deprivation of fellow South Africans.

Happy holidays everyone

The brilliant Catherine Tate as “Derek”, making fun of prejudice.

President chameleon

When I think of President Jacob Zuma I think of a chameleon who – unlike a leopard – can change his colours to suit his environment and to confuse his enemies and even his friends. Over the past year President Zuma has shown different aspects of his personality to the nation. Sometimes he has been very good, sometimes mediocre and, alas, sometimes he has acted like a leader who does not respect the law or the Constitution at all and thinks that he is above the law.

The speeches were mostly good to brilliant. When reading from a prepared text (prepared by whom?) he has often hit all the right notes. From his inauguration speech to his major speech on HIV, the President impressed with the subtle framing of issues and the clear direction proposed to tackle the problems. Our President clearly has some good people around him advising him and unlike That Other Guy, he actually sometimes listen to them.

When confronted with troubles on the home front, with Kortbroek Malema’s shenanigans or spats between various ministers or members of the alliance, he has often dithered and looked like a man too scared or too intellectually weak to lead. Sitting on the fence and saying nothing in ten different ways can only work for a while when one is supposed to be the leader of the most powerful party in the country and the President of the nation. At some point his enemies are going to decide that he is a weak man, out of his depth intellectually, and then they will pounce. (And I am not talking of Helen Zille, here, I am talking about his enemies within his own party and within the alliance.)

But it was when the President was called upon to make decisions that could affect his own personal fortunes, that he has shown his truly dark side. On more than one occasion he has failed dismally and has acted like a man with no regard for the Constitution and the law. Thus he purported to appoint Menzi Simelane as head of the National Prosecuting Authority despite the fact that Mr Simelane is not a fit and proper person as required by the law. This he obviously did because Mr Simelane had indicated that he would take instructions from the executive when leading the NPA.

It is very difficult not to conclude that the appointment of Simelane was Zuma’s insurance policy to prevent any further legal troubles. If the DA application to have the decision to drop charges against the President reviewed, is successful, Simelane will make sure the President is not prosecuted. By purporting to appoint Simelane, our President did not act in the interest of the country but in his own naked self-interest and in doing so he acted unlawfully and besmirched the office of the Presidency

When leaders fail to follow the law and act in their own self-interest in an unlawful manner, they show dictatorial tendencies, which could become worse and worse if this is not checked by ordinary citizens who will become the eventual victims of dictatorial behavior. We all know the score: Today the illegal appointment of a friend who will protect you, tomorrow the torturing of a few enemies who want your job and next year mass murder, a la Stalin, Hitler or Amin.

Not all men with despotic tendencies turn out this way – and maybe President Zuma will “only” act in this manner when his personal – as opposed to political – self interest is at stake, but the truth is, we just don’t know. If I was one of President Zuma’s political opponents within the alliance I would be very worried indeed because I would not be at all sure that unlawful tactics would not be used to eliminate me politically. It is for the ANC itself and for civil society to check this kind of lawlessness before it can get out of hand.

Which brings us to the unlawful release of Schabir Shaik and the failure of the President to ensure that his Minister refers the matter to the parole appeal board. We all know Shaik is not ill. We all know his release was unlawful. We all know he was released to protect the President because Shaik was the man who was convicted of bribing Zuma and he has to be kept happy. If he starts talking and tells all he knows, well, the President might be ruined because Shaik might tell us just how and when he bribed our President and how they concocted stories to hide these bribes from the Scorpions.

No wonder Shaik seems untouchable. He has the dirt on the President and must be kept happy – even if it means breaking the law by releasing Shaik unlawfully from prison.

Only time will tell how our President will evolve. Will he grow a backbone and become a real leader, not a smiling bumbling servant of the last person he happened to have spoken to? Will he develop a taste for unlawful behavior if he gets away with the scandalous Simelane appointment to further his personal and political ambitions and deal with his enemies? Will his genial and kind side win out and will he become a nice uncle-like leader whom we all learn to trust?

My guess is, as a chameleon, he will do all these things, sometimes at the same time. The contradictions will continue to pile up and the rumblings in the alliance will increase until one day when all the sycophants will decide to jump ship and dump their Dear Leader just like they dumped President Mbeki. Surely, its only a matter of time?

PS: I am now on holiday so will not be posting much over the next two weeks. Hope all readers enjoy the holidays.

On reasonable accommodation

Few recent events have highlighted the racial fault lines in South African society more starkly than the recent death of Manto Tshabalala-Msimang. While many South Africans (mostly white) have welcomed the death of the late Minister, pointing to her disastrous management of the HIV/AIDS crisis and the untold suffering and death caused by it, many other South Africans (mostly black) have chosen not to highlight her faults, pointing to an African tradition of not speaking ill of the dead.

Some argue in essence that in a diverse society they have no duty to respect the cultural traditions of the majority, just as they do not demand that the majority respect their traditions. Others claim that the lack of respect shown for African tradition is deeply hurtful or even racist and demonstrates an inability or unwillingness on the part of some white South Africans to embrace reconciliation.

This is a complex matter, not only because cultural traditions and practices are contested, are therefore not static, and are sometimes exploited for political gain, but also because it goes to the heart of how we manage diversity in a deeply divided society.

South Africa is, of course, not the only country grappling with this problem.

All over Europe debates are raging about what the white majority can expect from immigrant populations. In France, for example, the debate focuses on the duty of the minority Muslim population to respect or even embrace French cultural practices in order to become “full” French citizens.

It seems to me a good way of approaching this issue is to adopt a principle championed by former Justice Albie Sachs in the context of the right to freedom of religion in cases where religious practices clash with broader values espoused by the Constitution. Sachs argued that the state and others have a duty to make a “reasonable accommodation” of such practices in order to respect both the secular and the sacred within the disciplining framework of the Constitution.

What is required, first, is to listen respectfully and to actually hear the views of those who do not share your own cultural beliefs and world view. Too often we shout past each other and make assumptions about what people believe without hearing their views and considering them in an honest and open manner.

Second,  we should accept that in a constitutional democracy based on human dignity, equality and freedom no cultural belief or practice is automatically sacrosanct (even if it is embraced by a majority of citizens). To hold otherwise would be to place an absolute limit on the freedom of every individual to decide for him or herself how to live a life of dignity and respect according to his or her own ethical rules and beliefs.

Third, this does not mean we should not strive to respect and accommodate the cultural beliefs and practices of other members of society where it is reasonably possible to do so without fundamentally betraying our own values and normative commitments. We all live in the same country and if we are to foster mutual respect for one another, we should be sensitive to the views of others without abdicating our own dignity and our freedom. Personally, my normative commitments closely mirror those enshrined in the Constitution and requires me to balance my own freedom,  right to speak my mind and dignity on the one hand, with respect for the dignity and freedom of others, on the other.

When someone thus demands that I should not do or say something because it runs counter to their cultural beliefs or practices, I will ask whether that belief or practice has a valid goal and whether respecting it will fundamentally detract from my own dignity and freedom. Where someone says that a hatred of homosexuals is part of his or her culture, for example, I will not respect that and will speak out against it because to shut up would be deeply oppressive and dehumanizing for me.

Although it is not part of my particular culture, it seems to me a practice that demands some circumspection when speaking about the recently deceased can be reasonably accommodated without betraying one’s most cherished beliefs and principles or commitment to honesty and truth. Respect for the feelings of the family and friends of a recently deceased person can – in my view at least – be squared with my own notion of my own dignity and the dignity of all the members of society with whom I share the country.

In a diverse country in which people differ sharply on cultural beliefs and practices, it seems to me we will all be better off if we try to understand and respect such differences where it seems reasonably possible to do so. If one feels that it is not, one should be able to have an honest debate about it and should be able to justify why – in a particular case – respect for the cultural beliefs and practices of another is impossible if one is to hold on to one’s own dignity and one’s commitment about freedom and equality.

In such matters reasonable people might well differ and do so respectfully. On this Blog some participants have expressed some harsh views (based on their religious or cultural beliefs) on the alleged evils of homosexuality. As a rule I have not jumped down their throats as long as they expressed their views in a rational and reasoned manner. It is, after all, in the very nature of a constitutional democracy that people will differ with one another about fundamental issues that goes to the heart of their identities. But we all too often forget that when someone differs from you, it does not necessarily mean that he or she is an evil or bad person.

Pity many people (from all sides) do not always adhere to this view and feel that any disagreement with them represents a fundamental attack on their dignity and worth as a human being. That, perhaps, says more about our particular history, or about their own insecurities and lack of self-respect, than about the views of the person they are disagreeing with.

Manto Tshabalala-Msimang: In her own words

Respecting the feelings of her family and friends, but not wanting to be hypocritical, I will rather not comment on the death of former health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang. It is always very painful for those close to someone when he or she dies and one should respect their feelings. I am, however,  reproducing several quotes from the late Minister below without comment.

17 Nov 2006
“The incident of my illness was portrayed as an opportunity to turn others into champions of a campaign to rid our government of the so-called ‘HIV and AIDS denial at the highest level’.” (ANC Today)
8 October 2006
“I can’t stop working. The health of the nation depends on it.”
28 August 2006
“I think the TAC was just a disgrace, a disgrace not only to the [health] department but a disgrace to the whole country. But I think, as South Africa, we really demonstrated that we are doing pretty well.” Manto After the AIDS conference in Toronto 2006
 

18 August 2006
“There is this notion that traditional medicine is some quack thing practised by primitive people… unfortunately 80 percent of our people don’t care about ‘scientifically proven’.”
7 June 2006
“People say ‘your stall is great’. I don’t know what they are reporting on at home. We haven’t shocked the world, we have told the truth…I don’t mind being called Dr Beetroot.” – Health Minister Tshabalala-Msimang, responding to criticism of South Africa’s garlic, lemon and beetroot exhibit at the International Aids Conference in Toronto…2 vials of pills were hurriedly added to the stand on Sunday after journalists posed questions about the absence of antiretroviral drugs.
7 June 2006
“Shall I repeat garlic, shall I talk about beetroot, shall I talk about lemon… these delay the development of HIV to Aids-defining conditions, and that’s the truth.” Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang said in debate on her department’s budget vote.
30 June 2005
“Nutrition is the basis of good health and it can stop the progression from HIV to full-blown Aids, and eating garlic, olive oil, beetroot and the African potato boosts the immune system to ensure the body is able to defend itself against the virus and live with it. I am sure that loveLife will continue to raise that.”
 
8 June 2005
“beetroot, garlic, lemon … and buy a bottle of olive oil. All these things are very critical.”
 
10 May 2005
“Dr Rath’s work complies with and complements our programmes.”
 
10 May 2005
“I don’t know how many [South Africans] with HIV would want to take anti-retrovirals.”
 
5 May 2005
“When we were being pressured to use ARVs, we did warn about the side effects, and when I get reports about the people on ARVs nobody presents to me how many people have fallen off the programme or died because of the side effects.”
 
5 May 2005
“Raw garlic and a skin of the lemon – not only do they give you a beautiful face and skin but they also protect you from disease.”
9 February 2004
” I think garlic is absolutely critical. Lemon is absolutely critical to boost the immune system. Olive oil is absolutely critical … just one teaspoon, it will last the whole month.”
1 April 2003
(Aids)… “could also be a God-given opportunity for moral and spiritual growth, a time to review our assumptions about sin and morality”.
 
19 December 2002
“Look at what Bush is doing. He could invade.” … Manto on why money needs to be spent on defence rather than treating AIDS
14 May 2001
“Some are going to be disappointed that we are not going to give the ARVs [antiretrovirals] tomorrow, but it is this message which does not get through – that people are getting treatment even if there are no ARVs.”
 
7 November 2000
“Today I want to dispel this myth, because it is absolutely not true .[ that ARV's work ] The pharmaceutical industry and those who have a vested interest in the drug industry fuels this propaganda.”
8 November 2000
“We (the ANC government) have no plans to introduce the wholesale administration of these drugs in the public sector. ARVs are not a cure for Aids.”
 
September 2000
Robbie: You have said that the policy of the ministry is well known. Do you accept that HIV causes Aids? 

Tshabalala-Msimang: Why do you ask me that question today? I have answered that question umpteen times. 

R: Yes, and the answer is? 

T-M: Umpteen times I have answered that question. My whole track record of having worked at the area of HIV and Aids for the last 20 years is testimony. Why should you ask me that question today? 

R: You haven’t answered the question, Manto. 

T-M: Why should you ask me that question? 

R: To avoid confusion. 

T-M: I have never said anything contrary to what you want me to say today. 

R: So, therefore, you accept that HIV causes Aids. 

T-M: You are not going to put words into my mouth. 

R: I am not putting words into your mouth. I am asking you a question. 

T-M: Yes you are. 

R: I am asking you a straight – now hold on a second – I am asking you a straight question, the minister of health of South Africa, I am asking you a question: does HIV cause Aids? 

T-M: I have been party to developing a strategic framework and that strategy testifies what my policy understandings of the HIV epidemic are. If you haven’t read that, please go and read it. And then you will understand where I depart from. 

R: Manto, Manto. A simple yes or no is the answer I am looking for. 

T-M: You will not force me into a corner into saying yes or no. 

R: I am not forcing you into a corner, I am asking you a straight question – I find your reaction bizarre. 

T-M: I would advise you to read the strategic framework. You have to analyse it. It is important for the media to inform the public about the positions of government … It is time that when you interview people, not on yes or no, but on the tenets of the framework.

 
November 1999
“There is not substantial data that AZT stops the transmission of HIV from mother to child. There is too much conflicting data to make concrete policy.”
November 1999
“South Africa is the only country in the world who gives AZT to health workers for needle-stick injuries. It’s very doubtful that we’re doing the right thing.”
November 1999
“The fact is that some of the mice [tested on with AZT] have contracted cancer. It attacks bone marrow. It is very toxic.”
 
November 1999
“AZT was never meant to treat HIV. It was meant to treat cancer and, when it was discovered to be toxic, the drug companies stopped clinic trials of the drug because it was so toxic. Is this drug really one we want to use?”

About “African culture”, colonialism and bigotry

The Ugandan newspaper, The Daily Monitor,  has published an inspiring yet sad profile on Val Kalende, an openly lesbian Ugandan citizen who might face the death penalty if a new Bill imposing that penalty for “repeat offenders” of homosexuality becomes law in Uganda. The Bill is being justified on the basis that homosexuality is “un-African” and not in keeping with Ugandese traditions.

This is an oft repeated argument used by many people in South Africa and the rest of the continent to justify practices and beliefs that infringe on the human rights of fellow Africans. Supporters of gender discrimination and some among us who object to gay marriage, for example, often argue that our African culture is based on heterosexual patriarchy. They claim that respect for diversity and the culture of indigenous Africans justify discrimination against women and homosexuals.

Such arguments are simplistic and wrong.

First, culture and tradition are not static. Some people talk about culture and tradition as if these are fixed concepts which speak to some essential aspect of our human nature. If one challenges some aspects of a cultural practice or tradition, such individuals argue that one is attacking the very essence of their humanity. But culture is a product of human development and is ever changing.

It was part of Western culture, for example, to buy and sell fellow human beings as slaves and to make those slaves work for them. Many Westerners wish to forget about this evil aspect of our collective past (and do not see themselves as having the same kind of traditional culture as those who differ from them at all), but the fact remains that slavery was, for a very long time, defended on the basis that to abolish it would be to strike at the very heart of a specific way of life.

Luckily Western culture has evolved and slavery was abolished in the nineteenth century because it was evil, racist and dehumanizing. People who justify the oppression and vilification of others on the basis of their culture, are not making any argument at all about the correctness of that practice. They are merely pretending that culture is static in order not to have to change the deeply held but obnoxious commitments invented by their forefathers (the mothers being busy with better things).

Second, as far as homosexuality is concerned, the irony is of course that the specific form of homophobia and hatred of homosexuality one finds in Uganda, Zimbabwe and (sadly) also in South Africa is a product of Western religion and colonialism. Although there has always been same-sex sexual activity in all parts of the world – including Africa – it was an unholy alliance of Christianity and colonialism that imported the concept of “the homosexual” (and with it homophobia) into Africa.

When Robert Mugabe or Ugandese lawmakers thus claim that homosexuality is un-African, they have a point. In pre-colonial Africa, people were not branded as homosexuals merely because they happen to have sex with members of the same sex. But because there were no homosexuals in pre-colonial Africa (only people who had sex with members of their own sex) it also means that homophobia is un-African in as much as it was imported by colonialism. Mugabe’s homophobia is therefore the product of Western colonialism. No wonder the man is so confused. (In any case, I have always wondered about Mugabe’s homophobia, given the fact that he is so camp that he could attend the Mother City Queer Project fancy dress party as himself.)

What is needed is a discussion on the basic principles according to which we want to develop our culture and traditions (which have been perverted by colonialism). Do we want to do so by mirroring the worst of Western society, thus confirming our own subjugation to the West, or do we want to free our minds and find another way to deal with issues of oppression and marginalisation.

I would suggest that given the African experience with colonialism and oppression, one of our founding values according to which we need to develop and amend our African cultural traditions is that of anti-subordination. We should therefore amend and develop our cultural practices to ensure that they do not subordinate and oppress others merely because they are not like us.

Of course, given the influence of a particularly virulent form of homophobia in the (Western-imposed) Christian religion so dominant in large parts of Africa, it will not be easy for us to throw off the constricting and oppressive yoke of Western imperialism by rejecting homophobia and sexism. Mugabe is a case in point. While he rails against the West, he deploys particular Western notions of homosexuality to subordinate a vulnerable and marginalized group in society.

Like many other of my fellow African brothers and sisters, Mugabe should read some Steve Biko. This might teach them that in order to be free, we need to be critical of the ways in which Western ideas have enslaved us and have made us less humane and less respectful of others.

Val Kalende and other brave gay men and lesbians in Uganda who are speaking out against the colonial legacy of homophobia is showing us the way. Pity too many leaders and ordinary citizens still act like slaves of colonialism. What is needed is a transformation, also of our culture, to free it from the oppressive influences of old-style colonialism.

Medical Miracles (ad infinitum)

Schabir Shaik, who was convicted of bribing President Jacob Zuma and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment for bribing our President, was unlawfully released from prison on 3 March 2009 on medical parole “to die a dignified death” because he was supposedly in the last stages of a terminal illness. Mr Shaik has now been a free man for more than 250 days after being released for supposedly being at death’s door, which just goes to show that he was released based on lies and deception.

Of course, we know Shaik was not at deaths door (because we saw the report prepared by the doctors who never said that he was in the last stages of a terminal illness), and we thus know for a fact that the parole board released Shaik unlawfully as Shaik did not meet the legal criteria for release.

Meanwhile Shaik has been spotted playing golf (but not – yet – doing what that other famous golfer seems to have been doing over the past few years). A medical miracle indeed.

In a written reply to a parliamentary question by the Democratic Alliance, Correctional Services Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula said  last week Shaik was authorised to attend physiotherapy from 10.30am to 12.30pm on the Wednesday when he was spotted on the golf course, which prompts one to wonder whether his physiotherapist might not be an avid golfer.

The newspaper article about him allegedly being spotted playing golf at a club in Durban was brought to his attention and an explanation was requested from him. ”Mr Shaik submitted a statement in this regard wherein he refuted the allegation,” Mapisa-Nqakula said.

So, let’s get this straight. The Minister is taking at his word, a man who was convicted of fraud and corruption and was found by the trial judge to lack any honesty and credibility. I really have a nice piece of lush forest land in the Karoo I want to sell to the Minister along with shares in a pyramid scheme. Come to think of it, maybe I can get the Minister to ask Father Christmas to bring me a Porsche. (I have always been envious of the Judge President because he drives a Porsche while claiming to care about transformation and the poor.) If she believes Shaik, she must surely also believe in Father Christmas, the tooth fairly and the integrity of the arms deal.

Mapisa-Nqakula also said she had no evidence that the doctors erred in their recommendation to grant Shaik medical parole, nor that the Correctional Supervision and Parole Board erred in its decision. Well, this is unfortunately not true. The Act states that a person has to be in the last stages of a terminal illness and THEN the parole board can consider him or her for release. The doctors never said that Shaik was in the last stages of a terminal illness, hence the parole board erred. The Minister’s claim that there is no evidence that it erred is so preposterous and laughable that it really casts a very dark shadow over the integrity and honesty of our Minister.

It is amazing how some among us would not play fast and loose with the truth in order to ingratiate yourself with The Leader.

We all know Shaik was released because that is what President Zuma wanted. The fact that the release was illegal is just by the by. It has been more than 250 days now since the parole board has first acted unlawfully and since various Ministers have condoned this unlawful actions by providing ridiculous and untrue explanations for the release, for the legal basis of the release and for the reasons not to refer the matter to the parole appeals board.

Nothing will of course be done about this flagrant disregard of the law in order to benefit the man who bribed our President, because in the world of some people the law only applies to ordinary people – not to friends of the President (especially not friends of the President who bribed that President) and definitely not to her holy highness the Minister of Correctional Services.

Wonder how long before we spot Shaik having tea with President Zuma and Julius Malema? Another 250 days perhaps?

The dark side of the Fifa World Cup?

When Adv Geoff Budlender stood up to argue the Grootboom case on behalf of the amicus curiae in front of the eleven judges of the Constitutional Court, they leaned forward in their seats, eager to fire sharp questions at the former Director General of Land Affairs.

By the time Budlender sat down, the judges looked subdued. Budlender had made a brilliant case for the enforcement of the right of access to housing protected in section 26 of the Constitution and when a unanimous court handed down judgment, it finally gave some substance to the social and economic rights contained in the Constitution.

Although many of us felt that the court did not go far enough, the Grootboom judgement nevertheless provided a powerful legal tool later used to great effect by the Treatment Action Campaign in its fight against the irrational and dangerous HIV policy of the then government.

For me the most powerful moment of Budlender’s performance came when one of the judges (I forget which one) asked him whether the court would not be encouraging homeless people to take the law into their own hands if it ruled in favor of the Grootboom community. Would such a ruling not in effect encourage criminality?

Budlender looked the judge straight in the eye and said that the law as it stood already criminalized the homeless merely for not having a home because every single night homeless persons were forced to trespass by sleeping on someone’s property. It was exactly a policy that ignored the plight of the homeless that encouraged criminality, as it forced the homeless to break the law merely to survive.

I was reminded of this fact when I heard that the City of Cape Town has been taking steps to remove the homeless from the streets of the mother city  for the Fifa World Cup draw and were also making plans to ensure that there would be no homeless people in the streets for the actual world cup.

It is unclear what exactly is taking place. I have received reports that the City used a new bylaw to lock up homeless persons during the draw and that it was also forcing homeless persons to sign a letter promising that they would leave Cape Town for the duration of the World Cup. If they refuse to sign, they are threatened with arrest.

I have been unable to confirm these allegations, but if it is true, it would mean that the rights of a particularly poor and marginalized section of our community are being abused in the most flagrant manner by the City. Recently, the Legal Resources Centre lodged papers to challenge similar loitering bylaws in Johannesburg as such bylaws infringes on the right to freedom of movement and in effect criminalizes poverty.

Perhaps officials from the City could clarify their stance towards the homeless. An undertaking that the City would not lock up anyone merely for not having a roof over their heads would be a good start.

Some might argue that the authorities (whether in Cape Town or Johannesburg) have a legitimate reason for locking up the homeless or for taking steps to clear them off the streets for the World Cup. After all, we would not want Sepp Blatter to be confronted by a homeless person when he steps out of his fancy car to enter a Restaurant where he might spend more than a few thousands Rand on a meal.

It seems to me that such a view fails to take cognizance of the fact that our constitution is premised on the idea that every single individual has equal moral worth and must be treated as an equal human being. Steps to clear the streets of homeless people that involve any form of coercion will clearly limit the rights of the homeless. Not unlike the sodomy law, which the Constitutional Court said was so deeply offensive because it criminalized a class of people for doing no more than trying to live a life of dignity and respect, bylaws that in effect criminalize homelessness cannot be squared with the ethos of our Constitution.

I cannot see how such a drastic infringement of the rights of fellow citizens could ever be justified merely on the grounds that South African cities want to present a good image to foreign visitors.

Although I will probably cheer along with everyone else when the World Cup finally starts (despite having misgivings about the morality of spending billions of Rands on Soccer Stadiums that are not needed while many South Africans have no food to eat, no houses to stay in and no access to proper medical care), the rumors about the mistreatment of the homeless reminds me again of the dark side of the Fifa World Cup.

But maybe these rumors are completely false. If they are, I am sure the City of Cape Town will immediately reassure us that they are not planning to force homeless people off the streets to impress rich foreigners who will be visiting for the World Cup. If the city does not reassure us, we will know that it endorses the criminalization of poverty. Anyone with more information, please let us know what is going on.

Ruling elite not interested in democracy or the Rule of Law?

When EP Thompson, the Marxist historian considered by many to be the greatest British historian of his time, wrote that the Rule of Law was “an unqualified human good”, he created quite a stir. It was an article of faith among Marxists that the law was always used by the ruling class to legitimise its oppression of the working class.Thompson was heavily criticised by fellow Marxists who argued that the Rule of Law was a deeply oppressive concept as it masked the inherent violence deployed by the ruling class to protect their own interests.

But Thompson, it seems to me, was on to something. Although the law is often used to promote and legitimise the interests of the ruling elite and although the law is thus often unjust, the law can also be used as a mechanism to restrain the unbridled and unprincipled exercise of power by the ruling elite.

In South Africa, the Rule of Law is often mentioned by members of the chattering classes who bemoan the fact that some members of the ANC government and some ANC “deployees” to constitutional institutions (such as the NPA and the JSC) show an utter disregard for the law. Yet, the erosion of the Rule of Law affects all of us who do not form part of the ruling elite, a ruling elite which is composed of apartheid era big business, ANC leaders, BEE and other tender millionaires, the Black Lawyers Association and Black Management Forum and other elite institutions with close, mutually beneficial, ties to the government.

In a deeply divided society, in which economic injustice is deeply embedded and a few elites benefit from a parasitic capitalist system to the detriment of the majority of citizens, a semblance of social stability often seems to depend on the ability of the ANC government to paper over the “class contradictions” by deploying a kind of race-nationalism in which the same white big business and its beneficiaries who shared in the spoils of apartheid are held up as the villains against whom all black South Africans had to unite.

In this context, poor, marginalised black citizens do not always buy into the idea that an erosion of the Rule of Law represents a fundamental threat to their potential well-being. However, recent events have reminded us that the Rule of Law is not only to the benefit of the rich. Without it, it will be difficult for real democracy (as opposed to the watered-down Parliamentary version enacted for our benefit by the ANC and the DA) to flourish.

It seems to me real democracy will flourish only if social movements and grassroots activism (in opposition to policies and practices of the ruling elite) can flourish. No wonder some ANC leaders are fearful of social movements and have taken unlawful and dictatorial action to try and blunt the power of such movements. A prime example of such undemocratic, anti-Rule of Law action, is the recent harassment of leaders of Abahlali baseMjondolo in KwaZulu-Natal.

I was reminded of this when I received a press release from the inestimable Prof Stephen Friedman of the Centre for the Study of Democracy who recently hosted a discussion on this topic. The Centre had called the meeting out of a concern that the violence, directed at leaders and members of the Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM) shackdwellers’ movement, was politically motivated and designed to drive the movement out of the informal settlement because it was seen as a rival to the African National Congress (ANC) in the area, and because it had launched a Constitutional Court challenge to provincial legislation which gives the provincial government wide powers to force landowners and municipalities to evict informal occupiers.

Part of this statement reads as follows:

The Centre is particularly concerned that the attacks on an independent and peaceful citizens’ organisation have been effectively endorsed by the KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Community Safety, Mr Willies Mchunu, and by senior officials of the provincial government. This reinforces the impression that a provincial government is attempting to silence a critical voice in violation of core democratic values.

Discussion at the meeting heightened this concern. The president of AbM, Mr Sbu Zikode, and other leaders of the movement, described how they had been driven into hiding and were now forced to conduct their entirely lawful activities in Kennedy Road in secrecy. AbM leaders told the meeting that they were now forced to operate much as underground anti-apartheid activists had been forced to do before South Africa became a democracy. While our Constitution guarantees every citizen freedom of speech and association and the right to use the courts, AbM appears to have been denied the first and to have been punished for exercising the second. Further, AbM argued that those who have been arrested for their alleged involvement in the attacks and denied bail, are actually victims and are, in effect, political prisoners.

Academic analysts who delivered presentations pointed out that democracy is meant for all citizens, not simply for those who are well-heeled and well-connected. If basic democratic rights are denied to shackdwellers, they warned, South African democracy is in great danger.  If citizens in the suburbs are allowed to speak their mind and criticise government actions and policies but those in the shack settlements are not, our country will, they suggested, lapse back into what it was pre-1994, a state in which some enjoy the right to speak but others do not. The allegations raised about the Kennedy Road violence are therefore extremely serious because they suggest that the democracy which so many fought so hard to achieve is now in danger because some political power-holders are not prepared to tolerate peaceful and legal citizen action if they feel threatened by it.

Participants were obviously aware that the allegations about events at Kennedy Roadremain untested. But all agreed that, given their seriousness, they need urgently to be tested. They added that that the best way to ensure that this happened would be support AbM’s call for an independent and neutral inquiry into the events. At present, a Task Team comprising those who are alleged to be complicit in the attacks has been given the official mandate to investigate. This is obviously unacceptable. The inquiry must be entirely independent and its impartiality should be beyond reproach.

We therefore urge the State President to demonstrate his and government’s commitment to democracy and concern to protect the rights of citizens by urgently appointing such an inquiry.

If President Zuma was a true democrat who respected the Rule of Law, he would agree to the request to institute an inquiry into the events that lead to the Kennedy Road tragedy. If the President fails to do so, one will be hard pressed not to conclude that the narrow economic self-interest of the party elite (in cahoots with big capital and the champions of a kind of middle class transformation), trumps concerns for the plight of the poor. The failure of opposition parties, including the DA, to highlight the plight of social movement leaders also suggests that they do not have the interest of the majority of South Africans at heart.

The ANC always talks about its concern for the poor. Maybe this is true in its own way. The ANC leaders are just MORE concerned about their own fancy cars and lavish lifestyles and the benefits flowing from the BEE tenders for their wives and cousins, than they are for the plight of the poor. In such circumstances, the last thing they would want or encourage is real grassroots democracy.

On fingerprints and the right to privacy

When entering fortress USA, those very grumpy US officials at passport control take your fingerprints as well as a retina scan – and there is absolutely bloody nothing one can do about it, except institute a private travel boycott against the land of the brave and the free. Until two weeks ago one also had to declare one’s HIV positive status and if one was indeed HIV positive one had to apply for special permission to enter the “holy land”, lest one “contaminated” the country.

These over the top security measures, blatant discrimination on the basis of HIV status, and invasion of one’s dignity have always irritated me beyond belief. Who the hell do these Americans think they are? Why, I have wondered, does the South African government not do the same thing with all American visitors and fingerprint and scan them (as Brazil did) to show them a thing or two?

Now I see an upmarket building complex in Cape Town is doing more or less the same thing. The security system at that building requires people visiting The Terraces building in Bree Street to have their fingerprints and photograph taken. An outraged University of Cape Town professor, Mike Morris, lodged a complaint with the owners of the building shortly after he was denied access last week when he refused to subject himself to this indignity.

Describing the security system as an “absolute invasion of people’s privacy”, he also questioned its legality. “I was outraged and refused point blank to have my fingerprints taken, and they denied me access,” he said.

Neil Moller, the manager of the building, defended the system, saying the building was private property and the owner had a right to use the security system to protect tenants. He said codes but not actual fingerprints were saved on the system, and data was kept on the system for only 24 hours.

Reading this news report in the local Visdorpie rag, The Cape Times, I started wondering whether the owners of private property can legally require visitors to subject themselves to such an invasion of their privacy. Private property rights are not as absolute as they once were. These private property rights are now qualified by the rights in the Bill of Rights which limits one’s property rights in many respects. Thus, the “right of admission reserved” signs at clubs, bars and restaurants and holiday resorts do not allow the owners of those establishments to prevent anyone from entering the property on the basis of race, gender or sexual orientation.

I have scanned South African legislation but cannot find any explicit prohibition on private institutions taking and keeping the fingerprints of individuals for security purposes. (If anyone knows of such legislation, please let me know.) However, as the right to privacy and human dignity may also bind private property owners, it may well be argued that such actions contravene the Bill of Rights and are thus unconstitutional.

Yet, despite the fact that my sympathies lie with Prof Morris on this one, I suspect a court will find that the invasion of one’s privacy and dignity in such cases are justifiable. If the fingerprints are indeed only kept as a code and if all information is destroyed after 24 hours, the invasion of an individual’s rights is minimal. On the other hand, there might well be good arguments to justify this invasion; most notably on the basis that it protects the security of residents and of the property.

In such a case the property rights of the owners might justifiably limit the rights to privacy and dignity of the visitors to that property. This is, of course, a matter of degree and will depend on the context. The more invasive the security measures, the more difficult they will be to justify. The more important the property, the easier it will be to justify invasive security measures. I suspect one would be allowed to have far stricter (and thus invasive) security measures at World Cup soccer events or at Parliament or the Union Buildings, than for entering a private apartment complex.  

Of course, things will be different if the kind of security measures used at The Terraces (what a pretentious name!) are used to keep out certain groups of people.  We know “dress codes” at public establishments are often used to discriminate against black South Africans and that this is clearly discriminatory and in contravention of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (PEPUDA). If private buildings use security measures to keep out people “who do not look as if they belong” because of their race, this will clearly contravene PEPUDA and one would be able to go to the Equality Court to challenge such practices.

But in the absence of proof that the relatively minor invasion of privacy is used to discriminate against individuals, I suspect Prof Morris will have to subject himself to fingerprints when he again visits The Terraces or – alternatively – institute a private boycott of that establishment. As we prepare for the World Cup next year, that is probably the reality we will have to learn to live with.