Quote of the week

Mr Zuma is no ordinary litigant. He is the former President of the Republic, who remains a public figure and continues to wield significant political influence, while acting as an example to his supporters… He has a great deal of power to incite others to similarly defy court orders because his actions and any consequences, or lack thereof, are being closely observed by the public. If his conduct is met with impunity, he will do significant damage to the rule of law. As this Court noted in Mamabolo, “[n]o one familiar with our history can be unaware of the very special need to preserve the integrity of the rule of law”. Mr Zuma is subject to the laws of the Republic. No person enjoys exclusion or exemption from the sovereignty of our laws… It would be antithetical to the value of accountability if those who once held high office are not bound by the law.

Khampepe j
Secretary of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector including Organs of State v Zuma and Others (CCT 52/21) [2021] ZACC 18
14 July 2008

Removal of Premiers a done deal

Newspapers (and the SABC last night) reports that Premiers Ebrahim Rasool and Nosimo Balindlela can only be removed from office by a vote of at least two-thirds of the members of the provincial legislature and then only for incapacity, serious breach of the law or the Constitution or for serious misconduct. This is, of course wrong.

I explained in detail to the reporter from the SABC that a Premiers term can come to an end in at least three ways, but he must either have a political axe to grind or is not very sharp because when the story was broadcast the same nonsense was repeated.

The Easiets way to get rid of a Premier reluctant to give up his or her post is merely to invoke section 141 of the Constitution which allows a provincial legislature to pass a vote of no confidence in the Premier and his or her cabinet after which he or she will have to resign. A vote of no confidence does not require a two-thirds majority but merely a simple majority of the members of the legislature.

So while it is true that Premiers cannot be legally sacked by Luthuli House (unlike members of the legislature who can be sacked merely by revoking their membership of the party), ANC headquarters can instruct the legislature to pass a vote of no confidence in that Premier after which he or she will have to resign. It would therefore be hopeless for a Premier to resist his or her firing because the members of the legislature will have to obey instructions from Luthuli House and will have to pass a vote of no-confidence in the Premier if requested.

Of course, the Premier can also be removed if the legislature adopts a resolution to dissolve itself with a supporting vote of a majority of its members  and at least three years have passed since the legislature was elected. The Premiers term will then automatically come to and end and a new legislature can then appoint a new Premier.

The problem is of course that while the Constitution gives the power to appoint and remove Premiers to the Legislature during the Mbeki years the ANC had given this power to Mbeki (since revoked at Polokwane) and newspapers often reported that Mbeki appointed the Premiers. In practice this was correct, but as a technical legal matter it is sloppy reporting as legislatures really appoint the Premier.

It would be interesting to see what would happen if the ANC members of a legislature defies instructions from the President or from Luthuli House and appoints their “own” candidate as Premier. Would the ANC then remove all the members of the legislature? Could it politically afford to do so?

This is just another example of how the  provisions of the Constitution are to some degree “subverted” by the practices of the party. That is why I have long advocated for legislation (that exist in countries like Germany) to regulate inter-party democracy in all political parties in South Africa. But both DA and ANC members are horrified by the idea that legislation would regulate their affairs to ensure that they act in a more or less democratic way, so that idea is dead in the water.

Meanwhile it is bey-bey Rasool and Balindlela. As they are not members of the legislature they will now be unemployed. Wonder what on earth they will do.

SHARE:     
BACK TO TOP
2015 Constitutionally Speaking | website created by Idea in a Forest